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Crisis in Germ. Comm.
From The Militant, Vol. VI No. 22, 8 April 1933, p. 4.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
Within these general workers’ organizations the Communists have played their role; but the “third period” policy shows its disastrous results. The Stalinist party leaders, with the inauguration of this “period”, began to interpret its aim of winning the workers to Communist leadership not by maintaining its activities within these mass organizations and in this manner winning them over, but by splitting away the Left wing and the Communist opposition to form their own small organizations in every field. It resulted, even though not always in new organizations at least in every case in an exodus of all Communist elements. Rival trade unions were formed (the R.G.O.), rival freethinkers, football clubs, anglers’ clubs, etc. But the overwhelming majority of the workers remained in the social democratic organizations and by and large also under their ideology and leadership. The new opposition organization vegetated in an isolated and sectarian existence.
The Stalinist leaders, caught in the vise of their own policy, could not tolerate criticism; they made a bureaucratic caricature of the correct principles of centralization and discipline. The membership within these rival organizations were deprived of all rights of serious discussion and participation in decisions. They could not find themselves at home in these organizations which were stripped of their function and stagnated. The party bureaucracy became most strongly expressed in the struggle against criticism of and opposition to its false policies. For example, Schulz would become an Oppositionist. He would be expel led from the party. Next the demand would be made for his condemnation and expulsion from all other organizations under party direction, from the RGO, from its freethinker society, from its chess players’ clubs, anglers’ clubs, etc. Such a method could only help to alienate the workers from Communism and benefit the treacherous social democratic chiefs.
These are only some of the examples of the Stalinist methodology considered apart from the general strategy, by which the party leaders sought in their way to prepare the proletariat for its present fateful situation. In no wise could it correspond to the rhythm of working class developments. While the German worker’s went through a period of radicalization culminating in the great strike wave extending throughout Germany during the latter part of last year, in many instances forcing the trade union bureaucrats into the fight, the disastrous and criminal Stalinist party leadership policy and the independent trade union sects could only serve as a brake upon the general movement. The social democratic leaders, despite all their sell-outs were not dislodged from their positions but had their authority reinforced. For the workers there was no other choice than to remain within their fold.
In this sense the Stalinist Centrism circumvented the constantly growing working class trend toward Communism. That sympathy for Communism increased, is proved by the various parliamentary elections where the party, with certain temporary retreats, continued to record gains, not at all commensurate with the Nazi gains, but gains nevertheless. One can say that election after election strengthened the party victories in the field. But not so in actual struggle or in trade union and working class contact within the industries. Despite the parliamentary election victories the party could not lead in struggle against the constantly growing Fascist reaction. It remained paralyzed and powerless. By its policy and methods the Stalinist leaders saved the social democratic bureaucracy, enormously strengthened Fascism and seriously weakened the Communist vanguard.
Again and again the solid hold which the social democracy has upon the workers in the industries has been proved. Most recently in the Betriebsraete (factory council) elections in the Berlin municipal electric and gas works held March first. One may say that worker’s employed by a municipality tend to conservatism but nevertheless the results are illuminating.
In the gas works 3,838 votes were counted, of which the socialists received 2,352, Communists 1,298, and Nazis 101. The Communists lost the absolute majority which they had formerly held here. In the electrical works 3,320 votes were cast, of which the socialists obtained no less than 3,034, the Communists 156, and the Nazi 83.
Within the clerical staff of the municipal gas and the electric works the council elections gave the following results. In the gas section out of a total of 2,064 votes cast, the socialists obtained 1,151, the Nazi 413, and a neutral moderate ticket 459. There was no Communist ticket. Among the clerical staff of the electrical section out of a total of 2,547 votes the socialists polled 1,916, the Nazis 443, and the Communists 135. In all four elections there was a 90 percent participation.
Here is again telling proof of workers following the social democratic leaders and not at all considering themselves partners in the same camp with the hated Nazi. On the contrary. It proves that the workers are holding fast to the socialist party just at the period of its severe persecution by the Fascists and their campaign for the Hitler parliamentary ticket. But it also gives telling proof of the weakness of the Communist party among the workers in the industries. All in all, however, it is one more excellent reason for a genuine united front between the C.P. and the S.P. That is yet the key question. No other way exists to defend the German working class, its rights and its organizations against the murderous onmarch of the brown battalions than through a united working class.
The social democratic leaders complacently accept the Hitler Reichstag election victory. They seek solace in their own statement that, “Germany is not Italy”, meaning thereby that Hitler cannot accomplish the destruction of working class wrought by Mussolini. While this is true in the sense that Hitler faces a far more powerful working class, a potentially far stronger antagonist than did Mussolini, yet the Wels, Braun and Severing gentry repeat the treason of their Italian fraternity. They have succeeded in maintaining their party intact but they continue to sabotage all struggle. They thereby keep the road open for Hitler.
But we have sought in vain also for any sign of struggle initiated by the Stalinist party leadership. By their own course they have arrived at a situation where the party is unable to fight, where it is being shattered and wiped out by the first heavy blows of Fascism in power. The party leaders paraphrased the social democrats. They said: “The difference between Mussolini and Hitler is basically that the latter has no economic conjuncture ahead of him”. True as this is in its abstract sense, when substituted for measures of struggle it becomes entirely false. The economic conjunctures alone will not defeat Hitler. For that is required a united working class, oriented, organized and prepared for such a huge task. In that the party leadership failed completely to even take the initial steps for working class defense. Thereby it also laid the road open for Hitler to smash the workers’ organizations beginning with the party itself. The extent of its destruction is illustrated by the one example among many others of an important functionaries’ conference called in the Ruhr region by special courier from the Central Committee. It was called shortly before the elections and sixty functionaries were to participate. Of this number only five showed up.
The sad truth is that today, at the time of this writing, the party which should function as the proletarian vanguard exists no longer. Its press, its meetings and all its public activities are completely prohibited. But it issues no leaflets, it gives no leadership whatever, its own leaders are either under arrest or fugitives, its headquarters are taken over by the police, its nuclei are disorganized and a frightful demoralization has seized its membership. The party is betrayed by its Stalinist leadership, it is sacrificed by an incompetent bureaucracy, the strength of its numbers faded to the vanishing point because it meant nothing when associated with an utterly false ideology, false perspectives and policies. Today is being recorded in Germany and with fateful consequence to the working class throughout the world the greatest crime of Stalinism.
What is becoming of the Comintern? Undermined and almost reduced to impotence by its controlling Stalinist clique it has likewise failed to function and to show the way. When feeble attempts in regard to the German situation were made by it they were made upon a false road. What will be its future if the Fascists finally conquer in Germany? This question embodies such serious consequences that it is difficult to fully contemplate today. One thing is certain. We see now the eclipse of Stalinism in Germany and perhaps in the whole Comintern. But a far more serious aspect of the present situation is the question of the eclipse of the Comintern itself, if not of the Soviet Union. The Stalinist regime has long ago reduced the Comintern to an appendix purely of the interests of its own bureaucratic clique in the Soviet Union. What will the destruction of strongest Comintern party outside of the Soviet Union, the only mass party outside of the Soviet Union, mean? The mere practical aspect of this question rolls up enormous difficulties. Through the German party were maintained the solid contacts with the proletariat of the western world despite the white terror rule of Poland and the Baltic states in between. Germany being added to that iron ring of Fascist and semi-Fascist dictatorships practically destroys this contact. The Stalinist regime will concentrate yet more purely within the Soviet Union in an attempt to give life to its reactionary utopian theory of socialism in one country. It will pay even less attention to the Comintern than before. Hence its utterly criminal complacency in face of the mortal danger threatening the world proletariat. And what of the political consequence of the destruction of the strongest party existing within a capitalist country? Will that not mean almost a death blow to the Comintern additionally weakened by the effects of a defeat of such gigantic consequences as a defeat in Germany today?
These, of course, are considerations arrived at on the basis of the furious onmarch of German Fascism capturing one strong position after another and already having eliminated its main opponent – the Communist party. They must yet take into account the possibilities which despite all still exists of the German working class yet being able to rally in time the powerful resources lying dormant within its ranks. But it is necessary to be prepared for the worst variant. For such possibilities, however, the party of Stalinism will no the party of Stalinism will no longer give the initiative or leadership. Now there remains as the revolutionary hope only the International Left Opposition. It is true that compared to the giant task our ranks are still extremely feeble. But the Left Opposition possesses the first :ad most important prerequisites. We possess the weapon of a Marxian approach, of Marxian analysis and of a Marxian program. Of truly monumental importance is such a weapon today.
It was by virtue of this that the Left Opposition in the past, facing the failures of Stalinism, could show the correct road. When the Comintern, hamstrung by the Stalin regime, failed in this decisive situation to give leadership or even to speak to the world proletariat, the International Left Opposition began seriously to solidify its ranks in the international conference held recently. Delegates from eleven different countries participated and began in a small measure to prepare our organization for its groat tasks. When viewed in contradistinction to the silence and failure of the Stalinist Comintern one must say that in that fact alone lies an enormous importance. That was a signal for the new epoch winch are now entering. A signal for the falling of Stalinism and the rise of the Left Opposition.
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