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From The Militant, Vol. VI No. 56, 23 December 1933, pp. 1 & 4.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
Shanghai. – Fukien has rebelled. Prepared for several months, it came about all of a sudden as a bomb thrown into the Chinese politics. The public was startled by the radical character it assumed, in casting off the Kuo Min Tang mantle, denouncing its rule, turning such a round-about face towards the people, promising to fight for the abolition of unequal treaties and for tariff autonomy, undertaking to give land to the peasants and granting the right to strike to the worker, and freedom of convention, speech, etc., to the people in general. It claims to establish the producers’ power, guaranteeing to such people absolute freedom and equality, “excluding those who are treacherous to the nation and who exploit the peasant and the worker” from enjoying such rights. To overthrow the feudal system and to develop national economy are also points mentioned in the declaration of the new government. What has actuated this independent movement, especially at the time of the low ebb of mass movement? What is its general perspective and relation to the Chinese revolution.
In spite of the fact that this government is called by its enemies as a product of the social democrats and “the third party”, the former 19th route army regarded as the social-democratic fundamental military force, in fact we have no such a social democracy in China in existence, connected even with the. people, not to say with the workers. The military and their politicians and literati may have conceived, such an idea but it never existed in any tangible form. What is going on in Fukien is only a revolt of combination of ex-military men, the military rulers of that province, the politicians, the radical intellectuals and the right nationalists. There is a contradiction between the radical program, and the composition of the government (military in majority). This shows clearly that the government gives chief attention to the military overthrow of Chiang Kai-Shek by means of combination and intrigues rather than to mobilize the masses for the anti-imperialist and anti-Kuo Min Tang struggle. The radical program and the confused ideology are undoubtedly due to the influence of the existence of the “red army”
It seems unlikely that military operations will begin in the near future because both Nanking and Fukien must have time to seek allies, and to get out of the complicated situation of being attacked in the read. But the alliance between the peasant army and Fukien is an accomplished fact. This has a great significance. The blockade which Chiang Kai-Shek has enforced against the Soviet districts has broken down as the peasant army now can receive supplies from Fukien. Thus, the only success which Nanking has claimed for its anti-red expedition of the last two years has come to nothing. Further, if the “red army” alone could embarrass Chiang Kai-Shek so much that he is compelled to change the period for the liquidation of the “red army” from three months to three years, what if the combined strength of both the red army and Fukien would be presented to him? He must have given up the hope of eliminating the red army altogether. Besides, the Fukien movement, if not quickly suppressed, will set an example to the discontented militarists of other provinces who can also come out to denounce Chiang Kai-Shek’s kowtowing before Japanese imperialism or to stigmatize the corruption of Kuo Min Tang rule. So in a certain sense we may say that the Fukien revolt spells the beginning of the end of the Chiang Kai-Shek regime.
There may be several perspectives open before the Fukien government. If it can attain its main objective of overthrow of Chiang Kai-Shek in a quick manner by military combination, then it will degenerate and become conservative, throwing aside the present revolutionary phrases, otherwise it can be made dependent upon the mass movement and draw advantages from it. For example, the finance of the province will become ever more inadequate to feed the growing needs of the army and the way out must be sought in the seizure of the customs revenue and the realization of the tariff autonomy, in putting a stop to the officials’ embezzlement and corruption, in relieving the burden of the petty bourgeoisie by diminishing the taxation on them and by a corresponding increase on the big bourgeoisie. All such needs open great fields for the revolutionary agitation among the masses in demanding the real democratization of the government and the arming of the people. It should he our task to put forth the democratic slogans in a most energetic manner, to support the government so far as its practical steps are really anti-imperialistic, to criticize the tendencies towards compromise. Much can he done if we utilize the declaration of principles of the new government to deepen the anti-imperialist and the anti-Kuo Min Tang movement among the masses. It is usual that the violent collisions of the ruling factions give rise to revolutionary movement. What is now lacking is revolutionary leadership. Let us hope that the political crisis created by the Fukien movement will rouse the masses from the political apathy and will help the spread of the opposition ideas, as the latter represents the most consistent democratic wing in the Chinese Revolution.
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