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Two Internationals
From The Militant, Vol. VI No. 50, 4 November 1933, p. 2.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
The international revolutionary movement is once again approaching a period of clarification and reorganization. This time it occurs as a result of a major defeat of the working class (Germany), proving that an outstanding victory of the proletariat is not the only axis around which such revaluations and reorganizations take place.
Lenin, without descending into mechanics, described the epoch of imperialist capitalism as the era of “wars and revolutions”, all the time pointing out that this stage developed not in one straight line, but embodied all the ebbs and flows inherent in any form of decay. Translated into the terms of revolutionary politics, this designation signified that on a world scale the objective factors necessary as a precondition of the proletarian revolution were present. The analysis did not exclude, but insisted, that the specific conditions of a given country had always to be considered, in order to effect such policies as would lead to the triumph of the proletariat.
In such an epoch the primary forces required to bring about the overthrow of capitalism, is the subjective factor, the organized movement of the working class. It is a period in which the main strategic aim of the proletariat (the conquest of power) becomes a reality, the outcome depending on how well the workers movement carries out its tasks. If from the international point of view, the proletarian revolution is on the order of the day, it is of paramount importance for the proletariat to so organize its tactics, that they will lead directly to victory. The subordination of the main strategic aim of the proletariat to the tactical phases of the class struggle would mean the surrender of the revolution and the decline of the workers movement into opportunism and reform. Because the struggle will resolve itself finally on the basis of the strength or weaknesses of the revolutionary party of the working class, it is incumbent upon every revolutionary worker to constantly examine and re-examine his party in order to observe how well it meets the demands of the objective situation and to determine precisely whether of not it furthers the interests of the proletarian revolution. In such a manner errors may be corrected, adjustments made and the party strengthened. If no possibilities exist for strengthening or correcting the organization, then it will prove to be necessary to reorganize the ranks of the workers movement upon a sound basis so that it can proceed to carry through the aim of class conscious and revolutionary workers; the overthrow of capitalism. In such matters, fetishism of an organization will not enhance our aims. Our opinions and policies can only be determined by objective analysis.
The 2nd International ceased to be a revolutionary organization when it subordinated the strategic aim of the workers to the exigencies of the tactical struggle, finally liquidating the former entirely, transforming the organization into the world party of reform. When this transformation took place it would have been the height of folly to expect of the 2nd International the prosecution of the revolutionary struggle for power. It embarked upon a course of saving and patching up the rotting structure of world capitalism, thus creating the need of constructing a new International of the proletarian revolution.
This new international (The Communist International) arising out of conditions created by the Russian revolution and the collapse of Social Democracy, reorganized the workers movement on the basis of Marxism, taking as its main policy, or point of departure, the promotion of the world revolution. The central policy of the Communist international rested upon its conception of present-day Capitalism, entering its final stage. Any other policy would not have conformed to the objective conditions and a continuation of the line pursued by social democracy could have had no other result than a weakening of the proletariat. If the Communist International gained great strength during its early years, it was due only to its revolutionary internationalist policy. It entered into decline precisely at the movement it substituted a nationalist dogma for the international revolution.
When an international of the working class fails to respond to the needs of the objective conditions, when it substitutes the main strategic aim of the revolution with reform measures or purely tactical considerations, or, if it subordinates the interests of the world revolution to the construction of national socialism, that organization, by and large, ceases to exist as the international of the proletarian revolution.
International Social Democracy earned its spurs during the war. It surrendered to imperialism, supported the capitalist war, opposed the October insurrection, betrayed the German revolution, murdered Liebknecht and Luxemburg, entered coalition capitalist governments. In a word it embarked upon a course of saving world capitalism. Obviously, among revolutionaries, there can be no dispute over the question of whether or not, the 2nd International represents the interests of the world proletariat.
Since the war, much has been written on this topic, and there is no need to belabor the point. It is interesting however, to observe its actions in Germany during the rise of Fascism and following Hitler’s victory because they bear out further the above contentions. Then too, it will permit of judging their actions alongside of the actions of the Stalinists and in such a manner draw the necessary lessons from this highly important event.
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Last updated: 3 January 2016