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From Socialist Worker, No. 84, June 1968, p. 3.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for ETOL.
PLEASE ACCEPT our sincere thanks for your solidarity and support concerning the arrest and trial of Khalil To’ameh. (See March issue).
The verdict was given on March 12. The military judge sentenced To’ameh to 18 months’ imprisonment, of which nine months are suspended. We have reason to assume that your response – which was expressed in demonstrations, picket lines, letters and cables and which was widely reported in many countries – resulted in the sentence being not quite as severe as it might have been.
However, in view of the facts revealed during the trial, and of the reasons given by the military judge, Colonel Alpern, in his judgement, the sentence is still extremely severe, illustrating the draconic character of the 1945 Emergency Regulations according to which To’ameh was tried.
It was established – and not even contested by the military prosecution – that during the period when, according to the charge, To’ameh harboured Ahmed Khalifa, the two appeared together openly and publicly. took part in social meetings in which many Israeli students were present, etc. The prosecution did not contest the fact that during the same period Khalifa continued to come to the shop, owned and managed by him, in East Jerusalem.
It is especially noteworthy that in his judgement the military judge explicitly says that it was not proved that Khalifa belonged to a terrorist organisation or involved in violent resistance. According to the judgement, the very fact that Khalifa belonged to a political movement, one of whose aspirations was the ” Liberation of Palestine,” is enough to make him an enemy of the state; and the fact that he lived in To’ameh’s flat (although, as was pointed out, they appeared together openly) is enough to condemn To’ameh to prison.
Thus the decisive fact is the political affiliation of the “ harboured person.”
It follows that any Palestinian Arab whose political aspirations of affiliation are opposed to Israel’s official policy could be defined as an enemy of the state, and any Israeli citizen who comes in touch with him could be prosecuted and condemned in virtue of the Emergency Regulations.
It may be assumed that the wide stir in foreign public opinion, as well as the manifestations of solidarity by a part – although a small one – of the Israeli public, were among the reasons why the military authorities conducted the hearings openly and even allowed the defendant to appeal against the sentence. In addition, the defence counsel, Mr. Shlomo Tusia-Cohen (one of Israel’s best lawyers) has found a legal possibility to appeal against the verdict itself.
But this affair, grave though it is, is but one case – not as severe as others – of repression by the Israeli authorities against Palestinian Arabs, both citizens of Israel and nhabitants of the occupied territories. The “ legal ” basis for most of these acts are the 1945 Emergency Regulations.
Dozens, perhaps hundreds of people (the exact number has not been made public) are imprisoned by administrative order, without trial. The Israeli courts have no authority to order the release of such prisoners. There is an increasing number of deportations, demolition of house (several hundreds), house arrests and restriction of the freedom of movement – all without trial and by administrative orders only.
We appeal to you to take whatever action you think right (demonstrations, picket lines, letters and cables to the Israeli authorities) to protest against these repressions and to arouse world public opinion. Please let us know of any action you take, and send us copies of your letters of protest so that we may publish them here.
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Arie Bober, |
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Last updated on 30 October 2020